Bangkok—Thailand has been in and out of the news lately due to continuing violence in the southern provinces on the borders of Cambodia and Malaysia. The causes of this violence include a complex mix of political, religious and criminal elements.

The failure of the current Thai administration to come to grips with this problem gives the impression that the country’s military-backed government is suffering what one analyst describes as “a crisis of confidence and floundering from internal regime divisions” (Stratfor, April 13).

The singular force for stability in Thailand is its monarchy, in particular the presence of its present King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who has reigned for the past six decades. Despite the factional fighting within the present administration, the presence of the king gives all factions pause for thought before initiating any action that may put the country at risk of triggering civil unrest. The monarchy remains a deeply respected anchor of stability in Thailand, even as unrest threatens to ripple northward from its unsettled south.

Thailand’s beloved monarch, having handled the recent political disruptions in his country diplomatically, has retained his popularity. Today, even as Bangkok, capital of Thailand, is winding down from the 2006 celebrations surrounding King Bhumibol’s 60-year reign on the Chakri throne, it is already preparing for 2007’s upcoming celebration of his 80th birthday on December 5.

Mondays are a sea of yellow in Bangkok. Not only is yellow the color for “Monday” in Thai culture, more importantly, it is the color for the king. The king of Thailand’s color is yellow because he was born on a Monday. Thais and foreigners alike purposely don yellow shirts on Mondays in honor of one of the most respected monarchs in modern history. The phrase “Rao Rak Nai Luang” (“we love our king”) on posters, bumper stickers, wristbands and shirts continue to pervade the Thai landscape. And slowly those posters and reminders are giving way to depictions of the unique royal cipher of King Bhumibol as his birthday celebrations draw near.

But yellow saw another use this past year only slightly connected to the celebration of a beloved monarch. Yellow took on political tones as Thailand’s politics took center stage throughout the summer and into the autumn of last year.

A Testing Year

The year 2006 was one of mixed blessings for Thailand.

Not only did the king complete 60 years of purposeful rule on the Chakri throne, but the alleged scandals involving former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra led to a bloodless coup and military takeover of the nation. As is the pattern in Thailand, life went on as usual and King Bhumibol worked both behind the scenes and in the public eye to secure a peaceful transfer of power.

This political turmoil saw the king more deeply involved than during other seasons of unrest in decades past.

During the tenure of Prime Minister Shinawatra, King Bhumibol made headlines for chiding him on his leadership style, and reprimanding him for being unable to handle criticism or admit when he was wrong. These chidings from the most loved man in Thailand went a long way to removing public sympathy from the office of Prime Minister Thaksin long before he was removed from office.

The PM was said to have been disrespectful to his sovereign, a serious charge in Thailand. As a result, some representatives of the current government sought to bring charges of “offending the dignity of a reigning sovereign”—the crime of lese majeste—upon the exiled former PM. A recent analysis stated: “The palace also became more prominent in Thai political life with a military coup in September, which was conducted with the king’s apparent blessing.

“The generals who staged the coup have repeatedly said that one of the reasons for ousting elected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was because he had been ‘impolite’ to the monarch” (Agence France Presse, April 12). Thaksin faced three separate claims of lese majeste, though the charges have since been dropped.

There were other problems, too. Thaksin’s oft-questioned business dealings supplied dry tinder to his enemies. Ultimately, his involvement in a satellite telecommunications deal in 2006 lit the flames of citizen unrest.

The government’s concern over the ex-PM’s deal with an investment arm of the Singapore government has even led it to consider seeking ways to nullify this former business deal with Singapore. According to the International Herald Tribune, “Thailand’s military-appointed government will study ways to retrieve a satellite concession sold last year to a Singapore government agency, … a move that could further rattle the confidence of foreign investors here who already face the prospect of selling down shares in hundreds of companies.”

Yellow Triumphs

In the months before the coup, crowds of Thais regularly flooded the streets of Bangkok to protest against their former PM—people by the thousands dressed in the king’s yellow, beckoning for change. In fact, groups both for and against Thaksin took to the streets wearing yellow during this time of tumult with the people of Bangkok largely supporting a change in political leadership against busloads of country folk throwing their support behind Thaksin as both their prime minister and benefactor.

The Nation, an independent Bangkok newspaper, reported that one campaigner called upon Thaksin opponents all over Thailand to wear yellow shirts on September 9. “Yellow is the color of the anti-Thaksin campaign,” he said. In these days before the coup, there was an air of public resentment and imminent change in Bangkok. Many areas of the city were considered off limits to foreigners because of the mass protests of yellow-shirted throngs.

Change came on Tuesday, Sept. 19, 2006, when Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratglin moved Royal Thai Army Special Forces units from Lopburi, south to Bangkok, outsmarting the prime minister, who was in New York for a meeting at the United Nations. It was noted at the time that the coup did not come on a Monday, however—the king’s day.

By day two of the military coup, after 8 p.m. September 20, General Sonthi announced on television that the king had endorsed him as head of the interim government pending elections and the restoration of democracy within a year.

More soldiers and police than usual now patrol the streets of Bangkok, but business is back to normal. The Thai means of exchange, the baht, rose about 16 percent against the dollar last year. Exporters are worried about the sudden surge in the Thai currency despite the recent coup. Efforts to slow the surge backfired, and requests for monetary restraint have been met with suggestions from the government that business owners manage their expenses better.

I was in Bangkok for several days in January, and returned again in March. The streets were filled with people. Lumpini Park hosted a symphony orchestra on a Saturday night. On a Monday, in keeping with the tradition observed by both Thai nationals and visiting foreigners, I donned my yellow shirt—with “Long Live the King” written in Thai and His Majesty’s royal cipher imprinted on it—and joined the peaceful crowd.

Over 35 years ago, Hebert W. Armstrong, that respected unofficial ambassador for world peace, founder of Ambassador College and its sister institution the Ambassador International Cultural Foundation, was drawn to King Bhumibol, and his wife, Queen Sirikit, because of their tireless love and work for the Thai people. Mr. Armstrong personally arranged several projects of service to the Thai people in conjunction with the Thai royal family over almost two decades of regular contact with it. Many Ambassador students at the time were honored to be part of those special programs. I happened to be one of them.

As I walked, I could not help but wonder, as they ponder this present age of global disorder, what memories Thailand’s king and queen retained of that venerable “ambassador for world peace,” Herbert W. Armstrong, who enjoyed over a decade of deep and mutual respect with this upstanding royal couple.