How Asia Is Responding to North Korea
North Korea’s recent nuclear brouhaha riveted the attention of millions. But anyone focused strictly on North Korea is missing some profound off-the-ball action unfolding in the broader and steadily evolving game of Asian politics.
How is Asia responding to North Korea’s nuclear weapons? What effects are the recent tests having on South Korea, Japan, China and other, smaller Asian states? With the increased danger, will Japan and South Korea be content to rely on the protection of America’s military umbrella?
These questions portend some drastic shifts in Far Eastern politics.
Two fundamental trends that will forever change Asia’s political landscape now lie exposed.
First, North Korea’s acquisition of nuclear weapons will likely spark a region-wide arms race. For some, namely China and Japan, this will only intensify a military aggrandizement that is well underway. For others, like South Korea, Pyongyang’s nukes, combined with the reduction of America’s imprint in the region, will justify a desire for a stronger military. And in addition to strengthening their militaries, other nations, particularly Japan and South Korea, could use this as a pretense to acquire nuclear weapons of their own.
This was a chief concern in the mind of U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice earlier this month when she boarded her plane to Asia after North Korea’s nuclear test. Regarding the test, Rice stated, “Obviously an event of this kind does carry with it the potential for instability in the relationships that now exist in the region. … That’s why it’s extremely important to go out and to affirm, and affirm strongly, U.S. defense commitments to Japan and to South Korea.”
The American diplomatic jaunt to Japan and South Korea so soon after North Korea’s nuclear test was designed to quell any thoughts these nations might have about developing nuclear weapons of their own. It seems to have worked, at least for now. But with America’s military presence in Asia diminishing in order to engage radical forces in the Middle East and elsewhere, for how long can the U.S. guarantee Japan’s and South Korea’s safety? In addition to the North Korea situation, China is rapidly improving and streamlining its military. It is inevitable that both Japan and South Korea embrace a more independent military policy.
As Peter Beck, head of the Seoul office of the International Crisis Group think tank stated, “There’s no equalizer like the bomb. … It’s safe to say it [North Korea’s nuclear test] will lead to an arms race—will push all the governments in the region to increase defense spending.” Watch for North Korea’s nuclear program to compel other Asian states to pursue larger, stronger militaries. Watch for Japan and South Korea to become more independent and steadily sever ties with the United States.
The second trend that North Korea’s acquisition of nuclear weapons is sure to accelerate is the growing of cohesion among Asian states.
Mutual concern over North Korea’s recent nuclear episode has become a thread of commonality driving increased political cooperation among Asian nations, particularly China, Japan and South Korea. How to deal with North Korea has become a question common to all Asian countries.
Though America has typically headed all efforts to curb North Korea’s nuclear program, in recent times the real driving force in dealing with North Korea has become clear. China, the region’s economic powerhouse—together with Russia—has emerged as a linchpin negotiator in dealing with North Korea. On more than one occasion, Chinese and Russian empathy for North Korea has prevented America from forcing tougher penalties on Pyongyang. In turn, North Korea has shown more willingness to embrace China than any other nation. If there is a voice that insular North Korea hears, it is the voice of the Chinese.
Though the U.S. jetsets its officials around Asia, pushes for tougher sanctions on North Korea and reaffirms ties with South Korea and Japan, the truth stands: Unless it is prepared to use its superior military might to stop North Korea (which it refuses to do) America wields very little influence over the situation.
This truth has not gone unnoticed by the Japanese or South Koreans. In fact, though relations remain stable between Japan and America, and South Korea and America, both Tokyo and Seoul seek to improve relations with China, the regional powerhouse. North Korea is a mutual concern to both Japan and China; what better way to repair and improve relations than by meeting Pyongyang with a united voice?
When North Korea detonated its nuclear device in mid-October, newly elected Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was making history. Historically, new Japanese leaders, in a symbolic gesture of their faithfulness to relations with America, have made their first out-of-state visit to Washington. Not Shinzo Abe. He visited Chinese President Hu Jintao, conducting the first summit between the nations in five years. This summit, as the Wall Street Journal noted, “marked the end to a long standoff between Asia’s two biggest powers” (October 9). Abe next traveled to South Korea.
In the world of international diplomacy, this unconventional itinerary was hugely symbolic. “By first visiting Japan’s two neighbors, he is showing a determination to engage them” (ibid.). Watch for Japan, under Prime Minister Abe’s leadership, to improve its relations with its fellow Asia states.
North Korea’s nuclear test couldn’t have been timed more perfectly for Sino-Japanese relations. Abe’s historic visit to China became even more momentous as news of the test emerged, and the two leaders took the opportunity to make a public show of their newfound will to draw closer together. Thus it was with blended voices that Shinzo Abe and Hu Jintao responded to North Korea’s nuclear test, expressing that they were “deeply concerned” and promising to work together to stop North Korea.
As unpredictable and volatile as North Korea is, we can be sure Kim Jong Il will continue to pursue nuclear weapons. As he does, we must monitor his progress and keep an eye peeled for any dealings he might have with Iran or terrorist organizations.
However, it is also critical that we watch the regional repercussions of North Korea’s nuclear program. Watch for an arms race to be unleashed in Asia. Watch for America’s presence to wane and for Japan and South Korea to take on more independent foreign policies. Watch for Asian nations to increasingly work together, without the U.S., to try to resolve regional difficulties.
If you would like to better understand the significance of events unfolding in Asia, read our free booklet Russia and China in Prophecy.